In the first elections called under the terms of the 1832 Reform Act the Tory party appeared doomed. They had recorded their worst set of results in living memory and were organizationally in disarray as well, importantly, seemingly completely out of touch with the current political mood. During the intense pressure brought to bear by the supporters of political reform was the use of “pressure from without” and in this tactic the industrial working class were highly visible. Calls for political reform had been growing since the 1760s and given fresh impetus with the revolutions in America and France respectively. The old Tory party had been resistant to all but the most the most glaring corruption and abuse under the pre-Reform system, not least to the idea of extending the electoral franchise to the ‘swineish multitude’, as Edmund Burke notoriously described the working class. Yet within five years after the passing of reform the Conservatives — the natural heirs to the old Tory party — were attempting to politically incorporate sections of the working class into their ranks. This book examines how this process of making these ‘Angels in Marble’, to use Disraeli’s phrase from a later era, took shape in the 1830s. It focuses on how a section of the industrial working class became the target of organizational inclusion into Peelite Conservatism and ultimately into the British party political system.

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Dr David Walsh was formerly a Research Fellow of the Institute of Historical Research, University of London, Senior Research Associate, University of Liverpool and Lecturer in History at the Department of History and Economic History, Manchester Metropolitan University.

Contents

Preface

Introduction

Chapter 1 • The Emergence of Political Parties and the Transformation of Toryism

Whigs and Namierites

Eighteenth-Century Gradualists

The Defenders of Orthodoxy

Nineteenth-Century Gradualists

The Inter-disciplinary Approach

The Transformation of Toryism

The Influence of Burke

The Transition to Conservatism

Chapter 2 • The Emergent Working Class and Political Relationships, 1800-1832

Tory Attitudes

The Emergence of the Working Class in the Industrial North-West: An outline of the debate

Working Class Politics before 1820

Working Class Developments in the 1820s

The Working-Class and the Reform Bill

Chapter 3 • The Re-organization of the Conservative Party after 1832

Political Organization before 1832

The Conservatives and the First Reform Act

The Conservatives Organizational Response

Widening the Conservative Appeal

Popular Political Organization: Loyalist Associations

Local Political Organization in the Early Nineteenth-Century

The Middle Classes and Early Political Organization

Chapter 4 • Operative Conservatism: Its Development, Structure, Role and Function

The Middle Classes and Operative Conservatism

The Development and Structure of Operative Conservatism

Aims, Objectives and Financial Basis of Operative Conservatism

Operative Conservatism and Political Science

The Idioms of Politics and the Role of Issues within Operative Conservatism

Operative Conservatives, Radical Tories and Paternalism

Issues and Political Re-alignments

Chapter 5 • Operative Conservatism and Local Political Developments: Three case studies

The Market and County Towns

Developments in Lancaster

The Old Industrial Boroughs, Preston: Economic and Social Background

Municipal Politics

Parliamentary Politics

Operative Conservatism in Preston

Chapter 6 • The New Boroughs

The Economic and Social Structure of Blackburn

Early Working Class Militancy

Reform and Parliamentary Politics in Blackburn

The Political Culture of Blackburn

Political Organization in Blackburn

The Role of Issues and Working Class Politics

Developments in Bolton and the South of the Region

Chapter 7 • Working Class Political Integration and the Conservative Party

Appendices

Bibliography

Index

Once the heartland of British labour history, trade unionism has been marginalised in much recent scholarship. In a critical survey from the earliest times to the nineteenth century, this book argues for its reinstatement. Trade unionism is shown to be both intrinsically important and to provide a window onto the broader historical landscape; the evolution of trade union principles and practices is traced from the seventeenth century to mid-Victorian times. Underpinning this survey is an explanation of labour organisation that reaches back to the fourteenth century. Throughout, the emphasis is on trade union mentality and ideology, rather than on institutional history. There is a critical focus on the politics of gender, on the demarcation of skill and on the role of the state in labour issues. New insight is provided on the long-debated question of trade unions’ contribution to social and political unrest from the era of the French Revolution through to Chartism.

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Malcolm Chase has published widely on the history of radical politics and the labour movement. He is Professor of Social History at the University of Leeds.

‘It is impossible to do justice to such a broad-ranging work in a short review … he has offered a timely reconstruction of our current knowledge in a thoughtful, innovative and coherent manner. It is a book that deserves to be read from a series which will undoubtedly become an important force in re-invigorating the study of Labour History.’
English Historical Review

‘For far too long, students of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century trade unionism in Britain have been without either a single sure guide to the most important contemporary issues in the field or a reliable introduction to its literature. … Chase has now admirably filled this significant gap. … Chase has written an excellent book. … a fine narrative of the early history of trade unionism and the most up-to-date and authoritative guide to the recent literature and debates in the field.’
Economic History Review

‘This is an excellent book. Malcolm Chase has taken on the task of surveying the plethora of work which in the last twenty years has transformed the study of early British trade unionism and has succeeded with style and real clarity. In a text which rarely falters, he displays not only impressive powers of synthesis, integrating a surprisingly wide range of material, but also a deal of his own new and thoughtful research. As such it fills a major gap on the history shelves.’
International Review of Social History

‘Chase very effectively draws his examples from across the country. Scotland, Wales and Ireland are not ignored. He is particularly good at summarising some of the important areas of recent debate. Chase goes well beyond summarising the literature and has valuable original insights.’
Labour History Review

‘A full-length history of early trade unionism in Britain is certainly needed … Chase is admirably well qualified for the task that he has now completed. … An excellent book concludes with an index that is excellent in itself.’
Historical Studies in Industrial Relations

‘In a field that is known for emphasizing moments of conflict, Chase’s study, which focuses more on continuity, is an excellent corrective. … (his) analysis of the workers’ fraternal organizations is trenchant and up-to-date, with very little to criticize. … Chase maintains an interpretation unique enough to be truly thought-provoking and written vibrantly enough to be truly engaging.’
Albion

‘… an important book. … Chase’s economic style and structure enable him to cover a broad agenda…’
Victorian Studies

Contents

Acknowledgements

Abbreviations

Introduction

1 Covins and Fraternities: a ‘Prehistory’ of Trade Unionism

2 Trade Associations in the Age of Manufactures

3 ‘No Strangers to the Rights of Man’?

4 ‘A Young and Rising Commonwealth’

5 Across the Frontier of Skill: General Unionism

6 Trade Unionism and the Early Chartist Movement

7 Out of Chartism

Conclusion: Trade Unions in the Early 1860s

Bibliography

Index

The full story of the riots in the Forest of Dean in 1831, and how they were suppressed, is told here for the first time.

The book also gives the background to the riots; it discusses the simple lives of the foresters before the arrival in Dean of the Industrial Revolution, and how they lived in the Forest, pasturing their animals there and using it as if it was their own. It also describes the ancient way the free miners used to mine their iron and coal and how they regulated their mining activities through their Mine Law Court.

It sets out the two main causes of the riots: the determination of the government to enclose large areas of the Forest for growing timber, thus restricting the foresters’ access; and the influx of ‘foreigners’ eager to exploit not only the Forest’s coal and iron resources but also the foresters themselves.

Dominating the story is the enigmatic character of Warren James, the self-educated free miner who led the foresters in their attempt to stave off their increasing poverty and unemployment, and to protect their traditional way life from the threats of advancing industrial change. The tragic account of his unfair trial, his transportation to a convict settlement in Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania), his reprieve for political reasons, and his death far from the Forest is set against the background of the sordid and heartless times in which he lived.

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Ralph Anstis was a Londoner who moved to Coleford permanently in 1984 after his retirement from the Civil Service. Over the course of some 20 years, with his beloved wife Bess at his side, he immersed himself in the local history of the Forest of Dean and became a respected author of non fiction and fiction.

Contents

Illustrations

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Part 1 • The Background

1 Dean and the foresters

2 Riots and disturbances in the 17th century

3 The Forest goes to ‘wreck and ruin’

4 Warren James

5 History of the free miners

6 Edward Machen and the reorganisation of the Forest

7 The tramroads come to the Forest

8 Warren James grows up: the foreigners in Dean

9 Growing unrest

10 Warren James gets involved

11 The Treasury attacks free miners’ rights

Part 2 • The Riots

12 Prelude to the riots

13 The foresters rise

14 ‘Law is at an end in the Forest’

15 Collapse of the riots

16 Principal rioters in gaol

17 Causes analysed

Part 3 • The Trials

18 Preliminaries

19 Trial of Warren James

20 Other Foresters tried

21 Examination of sentences

Part 4 • The Aftermath

22 Transportation for life

23 The hulks

24 The transportation system

25 Van Diemen’s Land, and the voyage out

26 Warren James in exile

27 A Commission looks into matters

28 Warren James’s pardon and death

29 Epilogue

Appendix 1 — The Free Miners After 1838

Appendix 2 — Family Tree of the James Family

Bibliography

Index

In the early 19th century, Henry Hunt became one of the most stirring orators of English Radicalism. His speech following the “Peterloo” massacre cost him three years in prison and gave him a reputation for inciting the rabble to violence. This book considers his place in the radical movement.

This first full-scale biography finally brings to light Hunt’s vital role in molding the English working-class into an effective political force. Converted to the reform cause during the wars against Napoleonic France, Hunt gave popular radicalism a distinctly working-class perspective that countered the contemporary belief in a laissez-faire political economy. Hero of the unrepresented and repressed, scourge of the moderate reformers and gradualists, Hunt set the standard for the Chartist challenge. This work, based on a wide range of primary sources, reassesses Hunt’s influential career and illuminates a formative period in the development of radical politics in England.

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Contents

Abbreviations

Introduction

Part 1 • The Making of a Radical

1. Gentleman Farmer

2. Loyalist

3. ‘Bristol’ Hunt and the politics of independence and reform

(i) The Melville affair and the Ministry of All the Talents

(ii) The Bristol election of 1807

(iii) The revival of reform

(iv) The Bristol elections of 1812

Part 2 • The Establishment of the Mass Platform

1. Hunt and the moderate reformers

2. Hunt and the ‘revolutionary party’

3. Spa Fields

Part 3 • Repression, Risings, and Reform, 1817-1818

1. Repression

2. Westminster elections, 1818 and 1819

3. The beginning of mobilization

Part 4 • The Radical Mobilization of 1819

1. The people’s champion

2. National union

3. Peterloo, the courts, and public opinion

4. Peterloo and forcible intimidation

Part 5 • The Revision of Radicalism

1. The ‘Captive of Ilchester’

2. Hunt and the Great Northern Union

3. Carlile and radical counter-culture

4. Cobbett’s desertion

5. Liberation

Part 6 • Reform in the 1820s

1. Radical businessman

2. County politics

3. City politics

4. Popular Westminster

5. Radical organization

(i) Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty

(ii) Radical Reform Association

(iii) Metropolitan Political Union

Part 7 • 1830 and the Development of Radicalism

1. The early months

2. The July Revolution and the revival of the platform

3. The advent of the Whigs; ‘Captain Swing’; and the Preston by-election

Part 8 • Hunt, Working-Class Radicalism and the Reform Bill

1. The ‘Bill of Bills’

2. ‘Re-action’ in the north

3. The general election of 1831, the northern deputies, and radical opposition to the Bill

4. The autumn crisis

5. ‘The poor man’s protector’

6. The Days of May

7. Defeat?

Conclusion

Bibliography

Index

Political philosophers (such as Gramsci) and social historians (such as E. P. Thompson) have suggested that rural customs and ceremonies have much more to them than the picturesqueness which has attracted traditional folklorists. They can be seen to have a purpose in the structures of rural society. But no historian has really pursued this idea for the English folk materials of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: the period from which most evidence survives.

Bringing together a wealth of research, this book explores the view that such rural folk practices were a mechanism of social cohesion, and social disruption. Through them the interdependence of the rural working-class and the gentry was affirmed, and infringements of the rights of the poor resisted, sometimes aggressively.

By Rite represents the results of detailed research in a wide range of sources, including the local Press, Antiquarian and Field Studies papers, county journals, local collections and archives throughout England and Wales.

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“An excellent survey of custom 1700-1880″
E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common

“Bob Bushaway … commenced the work of integrating popular customs into mainstream history…”
Ronald Hutton, Stations of the Sun

Contents

Introduction

1 The Context of Custom

Custom and the Past

Custom and Sources

Custom and Perspective

2 The Community and its Calendars

The Reconstruction of Local Calendars

Local Customary Groups: The Case of Church Ringers

3 Custom and Legitimation

The Chruch

The Manor

4 Custom and Social Cohesion

Harvest and Harvest Perquistes

Calendar Rituals and the Shape of the Community

5 The Rituals of Privation and Protest

Custom, Conflict and Commensality

Protest and the Enemies of the Community

6 Crime, Custom, and Popular Legitimacy

7 The Control of Custom

Appendix 1: The Development of Folklore Studies in England

Appendix 2: The Ritual of the Year

General Index

Index of Places

This book traces the development of agrarian ideas from the 1770s through to Chartism, and seeks to explain why, in an era of industrialization and urban growth, land remained one of the major issues in popular politics. Malcolm Chase considers the relationship between ‘land consciousness’ and early socialism; attempts to create alternative communities; and contemporary perceptions of nature and the environment. He concludes that, far from being an anachronistic, utopian, and reactionary movement, agrarianism was an integral part of the working class experience and of radical politics.

The People’s Farm also provides the most extensive study to date of Thomas Spence, and his followers the Spenceans. New light is thrown on the Spa Fields and Cato Street conspiracies, in which they were involved; but their true significance lies in their contribution to English radicalism — a key factor in shaping the politics of agrarian reform in the 1820s and 1840s.

With a new preface.

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Malcolm Chase has published widely on the history of radical politics and the labour movement. His other books include studies of early trade unionism and of Chartism. He is Professor of Social History at the University of Leeds.

“Marvellous”
John Belchem, Social History, 1990

“A significant contribution to our undersanding of radicalism in the period of the Industrial Revolution”
Harry Dickinson, Times Higher Education Supplement, 1988

“An extremely carefully researched, well-written contribution to our knowledge of Spenceanism and affiliated strands in early nineteenth-century radicalism”
Gregory Claeys, Labour History Review, 1990

“A most important and significant book”
Keith Snell, Agricultural History Review, 1989

“Illuminates many areas of the history of labour and rescues a tradition which has too often been dismissed as pastoral and nostalgic”
Dorothy Thompson, English Historical Review, 1991

Contents

Preface (2010)

1. Agrarianism

2. Thomas Spence: Newcastle, 1750-1787

3. Spence in London, 1788-1814

4. Agrarians and Revolutionaries: Spencean Philanthropy, 1814-1820

5. Agrarian Ideals in Radical Politics: The 1820s and 1830s

6. Precepts in Practice

7. Designed for the Support of Mankind

Bibliography

Index

In 1798, the Rev. T. R. Malthus published his explosive thesis arguing that population had a natural tendency to expand with the capacity of any society to feed itself. The most strident component of the Malthusian case turned on the ‘positive check’ to demographic growth, a subsistence crisis generating malnutrition-induced disease and starvation, and thereby inflicting a marked drop in population. Malthus’s argument was based on historical experience, but his vision was conditioned by, and conceived in, a late eighteenth-century context. Historians, while acknowledging that Tudor and Stuart precedents, and contemporary experience in continental Europe, and even in colonial Ireland, could be marshalled in support of Malthus’s position at that time, have ignored any consideration of why an English country clergyman, should have developed such a pessimistic theory. English historians unthinkably, and automatically, take an implied refuge in the optimistic view that English capitalism had, through industrialisation and an agricultural revolution, achieved a ‘maturity’ enabling the country to escape incarceration in a ‘pre-industrial’ vicious circle, turning on a fragile agrarian-based economic environment.

This book reverts Malthus in a thoroughly English context. It proves that famine could, and did, occur in England during the classic period of the Industrial Revolution. The key economic determinant proved to be the ideologically-inspired war, orchestrated by the Prime Minister, the younger Pitt, against the French and their attempted export of revolutionary principles at bayonet point, to the rest of Europe. This international context, in part, conditioned the recurrent development of famine conditions in England in 1794-6 and again in 1799-1801. Here the multiple ramifications of famine in this country, as it lurched from crisis to crisis in wartime, are explored in considerable depth. These were repeated crises of capitalism, juxtaposed with the autocratic and aristocratic state’s total commitment to war, which contrived to challenge not just the commitment to war, but both the equilibrium and the survival of the state itself. ‘WANT’ stalked the land; intense rioting periodically erupted; radical politicisation, notably of unenfranchised working people, proceeded apace, in part stimulated by the catastrophic events projected on the world stage by the process of the French Revolution. The book finally explains how such an oligarchic, unrepresentative government managed through determined economic interventionism, manipulation of the unique English social security system, and final resort to army rule, to preserve itself and the political structure during a key epoch within the Age of Revolutions.

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“The history of riots reaches its full maturity when riots break out of monographic case studies to be incorporated into full histories. Roger Wells includes riot as one dimension of his rich attempt to comprehend the whole range of responses of British society to the famines of 1794-96 and 1799-1801. These famines dramatically revealed the fragile equilibrium underpinning national subsistence, and its propensity to collapse. Wells explains how and why the archaic structure of state and society in Britain did just manage not to collapse. He succeeds masterfully at the national level. His study is essential to a full undertsanding of British society.”
John Bohstedt, Albion

Contents

PART ONE • FAMINE IN WARTIME 1793-1801

1. Introduction: ‘to shake the Foundations of the Government of Great Britain’

2. The Sociology and Economics of Food: Bread, Cheese, Butter, Meat and Potatoes: the ’5 principel Things that poor Pepel want to bye’

3. Harvests and Markets in Wartime, 1794-1801: ‘called Famine in any other Country than this’

4. ‘Many an honest man doeth not know how to get one Week or Day over’: the Reaility of Famine in Wartime

PART TWO • FAMINE AND THE PEOPLE

5. ‘Extreme Avarice and Rapaciousness’: Contemporary Analysis and Popular Prejudices

6. ‘A more honourable Death than to be starv’d alive’: Taxation Populaire and the ‘Early Phases’ of the Famines

7. ‘Taking Bread out of our Mouths’: the Crowd, Food Transportation, and the Midsummer Hypercrisis of 1795

8. ‘Glorious tho’ Awfull Weeks’: the Hypercrisis of September 1800

9. ‘Promoting General Confusion’: Popular Political Radicalism and Protest

10. Conclusion: Famine, the Defences of the Poor and the Threat to Public Order

PART THREE • GOVERNMENT AND FAMINE

11. Intervention versus Free Trade: Securing Imports in Wartime 1794-1801

12. Dietary Expedients and Vested Interests: Recommendation versus Compulsion, June 1795 to July 1800

13. ‘Brown George’: Compulsion versus Vested Interests, Sepetember 1800 to July 1801

14. Public Relations: the State, and Society, and Famine

PART FOUR • SOCIAL CONTROL AND FAMINE

15. Riot Control and the Repressive Agencies: The Role of Government

16. The Role of the Courts

17. ‘I Cannot work through this Time of Necessity without your Assistance’: the Relief of the Working Class

18. Paradoxes, Ironies and Contradictions: some Conclusions

Appendices, Map, Tables and Figures

Index

A re-evaluation of the hoary problem of the question of revolution in Britain and Ireland during the allegedly dying years of the Age of Revolution.

On the 16 November 1802 a posse of Bow Street Runners raided the Oakley Arms, a working class pub in Lambeth, on the orders of the Home Office. Over thirty men were arrested, among them, and the only one of any social rank, Colonel Edward Marcus Despard. Despard and twelve of his associates were subsequently tried for high treason before a Special Commission, and Despard and six others were executed on 21 February 1803. It was alleged that they had planned to kill the King, seize London and overturn the government and constitution.

Until recently this event had been almost entirely neglected by historians, principally on the grounds that it was an isolated occurrence, the brainchild of a disgruntled and probably insane Irishman. The incident is relegated to a footnote in the relevant volume of the Oxford History of England and even then only in support of First Minister Addington’s habitual ‘calmness’.

Apologists speedily claimed that Despard was just another dupe of the supposedly notorious hoard of informers and agents-provacateurs employed by the younger Pitt and his supposed lackey, Addington, to support their outrageous assault on the consitutional freedoms and rights of Englishmen. One pamphlet attacking the revelations of the infamous Oliver the Spy, typically claimed that in 1817 Oliver was ‘by no means a novice in matters of treason, but … was closely and deeply implicated in the mad schemes of Colonel Despard’. These views, that any insurrectionary activity manifested by Englishmen was either the product of insane individuals or the manipulations of secret-service agents, or both, rather than an indigenous phenomenon, were also adopted by Whig and Fabian historians.

The first coherent reappraisal of the Despard affair was provided by E. P. Thompson, in his magnificent work, The Making of the English Working Class. An integral part of Thompson’s thesis hinges on his analysis of what happened to one seminal political development in the 1790s, namely the first primarily English working-class movement for democracy. E. P. Thompson’s claim that determined physical force revolutionary groupings originated after the suppression of the Popular Democratic Movement in 1795 has been seriously challenged by conventional British historians. This book offers a reinterpretation of Thompson’s evidence, through a detailed overall study of post-1795 British politics. It throws new light on the organisation of government intelligence sources, Pitt’s repressive policies and machinery, and oscillating popular responses; all developments, including recrudescences of the open Democratic Movement, and notably the emergence of insurrectionary conspiracies, are firmly related to both events in the critical Irish theatre, and the course of the war against France.

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Contents

Abbreviations

Acknowledgements

Introduction: Historians and the Insurrectionary Threat in Britain, 1795-1803

1 Britain and Ireland in the 1790s

2 The British Secret Service, 1795-1803

3 Repression in Action and the Genesis of the First Insurrectionary Movement, 1795-6

4 The Political Crisis in Britain, January to July 1797

5 The Naval Mutinies of 1797

6 The Containment of the Revolutionary Threat and the Government’s Counter-measures, July 1797-April 1798

7 The Insurrectionary Challenge, 1798

8 The Legacies of 1797-9

9 The British ‘Pact de Famine’ and the Crisis of Confidence in the Pitt Ministry, 1800

10 The Renewed Democratic Offensive, 1800-1

11 The Revolutionaries: Colonel Despard, the Union Britons and Robert Emmet, 1801-3

12 Conclusion: The Politics of Insurrection

Index

The Defendants in Contempt of all Authority
combined together and resolved to pull down
and destroy all the present
and ancient Inclosures.

Two of the most common types of popular disorders in late Tudor and early Stuart England were the food riots and the anti-enclosure riots in royal forests. Of particular interest are the forest riots known collectively as the Western Rising of 1626-1632, and the lesser known disorders in the Western forests which took place during the English Civil War. The central aims of this volume are to establish the social status of the people who engaged in those riots and to determine the social and economic conditions which produced the disorders.

The leaders and most active participants in riot were rural artisans — skilled men working in non-agricultural employments. These artisans, particularly those in the major industries of seventeenth-century England located in the forested West, were largely wage-earners. Virtually landless cottagers who relied on the market for food, clothworkers and other artisans frequently engaged in food riots and attempted insurrections during times of depression or harvest failure. These artisans exploited the common waste of the royal forests. Enclosure of the forests by the Crown threatened the livelihood of those workers who depended on the forests for raw material and pasturage. The result was the Western Rising, a series of massive anti-enclosure riots which took place in Gillingham Forest on the Wiltshire-Dorset border, Braydon Forest in Wiltshire and the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire. There were also concurrent riots in Leicester Forest, and Feckenham Forest, Worcestershire. A similar series of riots followed in the 1640s.

These conclusions challenge the dominant modern view that work in rural industry was merely the by-employment of members of peasant households. Contrary to the prevailing interpretation that disaffected men of standing were generally behind disorders such as the Western Rising, manipulating popular grievances for their own ends, In Contempt of All Authority concludes that in times of economic and social distress or political dislocation (such as the Civil War) the “lower orders” of Tudor and Stuart England were provoked into self-organised direct action by very basic issues of food supply, employment, and common rights. In the course of such actions they manifested an intense hatred of the gentry and the well-to-do, whom they held responsible for existing conditions.

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Buchanan Sharp is Professor of History at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

“I have rarely recommended a book with more confidence in its quality. It is quite first class.”,
Christopher Hill

Contents

Abbreviations

Preface

I. Introduction

II. Food Riots, 1586-1631

III. The Crown’s Response to Food Riots

IV. The Western Rising, 1626-1632

V. The Participants in the Western Rising

VI. Artisans, Cottagers, and Rural Distress

VII. The Dean Forest Community and the Policies of James I

VIII. The Government of Charles I and Dean Forest to 1641

IX. A Second Western Rising: Riot during the Civil War and Interregnum

X. Conclusion

Bibliography

Index